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Predrag Popović: Vučić received news from Moscow that he did not want to hear, here it is


Which officials of the Serbian Progressive Party and their business partners did Aleksandar Vučić put on the kill list? Why did Ostoja Mijailović get hit by the leader? What security guarantees did Zvonko Veselinović receive? What messages did Alexander Vulin bring from Moscow? Why didn't Vučić express his condolences to Alexander Dugin, the father of Daria Dugin, who was killed by Ukrainian terrorists? Why did Patriarch Porfirije take Croatian volunteer Draga Pilsel as an advisor? These are some of the topics that the deputy editor-in-chief of Tabloid Magazine Predrag Popović, former editor of Dnevni Telegraf, Nacional and Pravda, former close friend and collaborator of Vučić, writes about.

The progressive cartel is bursting at the seams. Opposing political factions have been fighting for the greatest possible influence in the next government for five months, and recently the conflict between tycoons close to the ruling family intensified. Aleksandar Vučić publicly lashed out at Ostoja Mijailović, Boban Rajić and the owners of "Millennium Team" Ivan Bošnjak and Stojan Vujko. The dictator admits that he despises them, as they despise him.

As a reason to attack the tycoons, which he himself created, Vučić used information from the Croatian media about their yachts in the Adriatic. Zagreb's Jutarnji list published an article stating that the Paklenski Islands and the Palmižana marina on Hvar are "favorite destinations for yachts owned by entrepreneurs, athletes and pop stars from Serbia." The text highlights the yacht "Millennium II", whose owner is Ivan Bošnjak. That yacht, produced in the Italian shipyard Azimut, is 30 meters long, has four VIP cabins on the lower deck and one on the main deck. Each cabin has its own bathroom. The elegant interior was designed by Salvagni Architetti. It was not difficult for a Bosniak to pay eight million euros to enjoy this luxury. With his partners Stojan Vuk and Dragan Kilibarda, co-owners of the companies "Millennium Team" and KBV, Bošnjak realizes huge profits in capital state projects. "Millenium Team" is building in "Belgrade on water" and many gasification projects, which the state is implementing in cooperation with "Srbijagas". In the marina of the "Le Meridien Lav" hotel in Split, there is a 25-meter long yacht of Ostoja Mijailović. It was also produced in Italy's Azimut, but it is somewhat more modest, so it costs only five million euros. Along with the information that Mijailović is the exclusive importer of "Jaguar Land Rover", the Croatian media point out that, apart from friendship, he is also connected with the ruling family by "partnership with Andrej Vučić in the insurance company OMR Group from Belgrade".

We do not prevent anyone from going to the sea in Croatia. Well, here is the owner of Novosti i Politika, posing in a T-shirt with the inscription "Rovinj Croatia", he loves Rovinj and Croatia the most in the world. There are also other tycoons, Ostoja and those from "Millennium". When it was announced that they were vacationing in Croatia, do you think they put the yachts away? They haven't and won't. Because they are all evergreen and I am deciduous. Tomorrow they will say how they also resisted the dictator by spending their summer in Croatia. They don't understand that I look at them with disgust and contempt. And vice versa, and they into me. I have no problem with that, let them go where they want with those yachts, with the millions they took from their people, and spend it elsewhere - said Vučić at a press conference at the Presidency of Serbia.

Every August, Vučić uses Croatian crimes in "Storm" in the same way for his propaganda tricks, with which he tries to present himself as a real Serb, a radical, as it were. The scenario is always the same. The main character is the same. Only the minor characters, whom the main character criticizes because they go on vacation to Croatia, change. He used to accuse Milan Janković, the so-called Philip Cepter, and Acu Lucas. The target of Vučić's criticism was Novak Đoković, who posed in Umag hugging the then Croatian president Kolinda Grabar Kitarović on August 5, when the ethnic cleansing of Croatia from Serbs is celebrated there. When he realized that by spitting at Đoković he was spitting into the air, he lowered his ambitions, and now he is insulting the TV presenter Ivan Ivanović and Milan Popović, Severina Vučković's ex-husband. With the same motives, Vučić also publicly disciplined Zoran Babić, whom he told at the meeting of the SNS Main Board not to go on vacation with his friends in Brione, let him find a friend in Sopot. According to that template, he has now struck at the owners of the "Millennium Team", who have the status of solidly ranked members of the court suite. As in business, they are inseparable at private parties as well.

Like Bosniak and Vujko, Ostoja Mijailović, the rising tycoon from Čačany, took millions of euros from the people. Mijajilović rose to the top of politics, sports and business when he left Nova Serbia and Velja Ilić, then joined Vučić's cartel. He became a member of the Main Board of SNS, and after a short tenure in the Board of Directors of FC Partizan, he moved to the position of president of the Partizan Basketball Club. Mijailović's company "British Motors" made good money in business with the state. The sale of 18 "Range Rover" jeeps to the Belgrade public company Parking Servis in mid-2020 speaks of this. The tender conditions in that public procurement were adapted to the characteristics of the vehicles offered by Ostoje Mijailović's company. The leasing contract, which was signed for 48 months, is worth 610.169 euros. In vain, the oppositionists pointed out that the system of electronic control of illegal parking, the so-called The falcon's eye could be installed on the Fiat "Punta", not on the luxury "Land Rover Discovery" jeeps.

Also in vain, opposition members demanded that the prosecutor's office conduct an investigation and determine the origin of those jeeps. Miloš Pavlović from the People's Party warned that there is a possibility that, in fact, those vehicles were donated to the police by the company GIM, behind which stood Branko Stefanović, the father of the then Minister of Police Nebojša Stefanović. From the proceeds from the sale of weapons from "Krušik", GIM donated 49 "Land Rovers" to the MUP. To date, the government, the Ministry of Interior and the prosecution have not announced whether these vehicles were assigned to the Belgrade Parking Service.

Ostoja Mijailović did not advertise regarding that disputed public procurement. Unlike the Serbian media, he did not ignore the Croatian media. He denied a partnership with Andrej Vučić in the insurance company OMG Group. It will be interesting to see if he will deny the rumors about his private antics, which were recently spread by Aleksandar Vučić.

Did Ostoja take Sasha or Adam on the Adriatic cruise? - asked Vučić after the GO SNS session, where he publicly called out Mijailović.

Nefariously, in keeping with his character, Vučić insinuated that Mijailović cheated on her boyfriend Saša Kovačević with a certain Adam, a new pop star from Čačany. All the named participants in the romantic gay triangle remain silent.

Ćuti and Boban Rajić, whom Vučić also accused of spending money earned in Serbia in Croatia. On the Serbian public scene, in politics and business, Rajić did not exist until 2019. Then his company "Media 026" from the village of Vučak in Smederevo, founded a year earlier, bought Večernje Novosti for 2,5 million euros. In May of this year, Rajić became the owner of 50 percent of the company "Politika Novine i Magazini". The sale was organized by Miroslav Bogićević, who is believed to be the unofficial owner of the Russian company "East Media Group". Bogićević bought that 50 percent ownership of Politika from the German WAZ in mid-2012, and he appointed a certain Aleksandar Trbović as the official owner, whose name appeared in the Business Register Agency until this May, when "Media" was registered instead. 026" doo Vučak.

According to data from the commercial register, Rajić is the owner of the companies "Rajić invest", "Media 026" and RCBGD. Until September 2019, he was the owner and then the director of the company "Coka". Rajić was also the director of the Smederevo company "Dunav", whose Supervisory Board included Igor Isailović, lawyer Siniša Malog and Ana Brnabić's business partner. The portal raskrinkavanje.rs published the information that Rajić hired Isailović to found the company "Media 025", which bought Večernje Novosti.

Rajić's business career proves that Vučić's anger is completely justified. Instead of wearing a "Rovinj Croatia" T-shirt, Rajić should have an application on his chest that reads: "I only love my creator and all-powerful Aleksandar Vučić, amen." Such shirts should be worn by most progressive tycoons. Until yesterday, there were waiters, bakers, tinsmiths, car mechanics, honest proletarians and small entrepreneurs. Today, when Vučić dragged them into his cartel, they became tycoons. Vučić did it according to a principle that is known to every Serbian peasant: first you harden, then you fatten. That's how Vučić hardened many political opponents, businessmen, policemen, judges and journalists, and made them into sleazy rich people, who he fulfilled all their dreams. When he sees who and what the members of the new progressive tycoon caste are, Vučić admits that he feels disgust and contempt. The same feeling overtakes them when they see him, the deciduous dictator. How could he not, when he is publicly calling them names because of what he himself did.

Let us remind you that Vučić made his political transformation and the first step towards the throne right on the Croatian coast. At that time, in 2004, Vučić did not even have money for phone bills, let alone to buy a yacht. However, he had rich and influential friends like Miodrag Kostić, the owner of MK Komerc. Kostić then invited Vučić on a cruise from Budva to Dubrovnik. They were joined in Cavtat by the then American ambassador, William Montgomery. With wine and moonlight, which was shining on the open sea, they made an agreement on trade. Vučić agreed to break up the SRS and the patriotic bloc, so that, relieved of Sešeljism, when the time comes, he could push Serbia towards the European Union, of course without Kosovo and Metohija.

Since then, a lot has changed in both America and Serbia, but the process is still moving in the agreed direction. Along the way, Vučić continues to trade public resources, other people's property, and even destinies. Now he is making combinations with the long-established and fattened Zvonko Veselinović. Vučić asks the Americans not to touch Veselinović, he is needed for joint manipulations around Kosovo, to raise and lower tensions. As proof of Veselinović's loyalty, Vučić offered assurances to the American bosses that they will have his support when Serbia officially imposes sanctions on Russia. As he expects street outbursts of people's dissatisfaction due to that decision, Vučić admits that he needs Veselinović, so that his people can do the dirty work that was once done by Veljko Belivuk's group. On the other hand, Vučić assured the leader of the Kosovar clan that he had no reason to worry because he was put on the American blacklist. Vučić was also on the black list for ten years, and look at him now, he is the most important American servant in the Balkans.

At the same time, Vučić is trying to prove his loyalty to his allies from Russia. In every address to the public, Vučić points out that he had more meetings with Vladimir Putin than all the previous presidents of Serbia combined. In addition, Putin awarded him an order that, a hundred years ago, only Nikola Pašić received. However, when Sergey Lavrov, the Russian foreign minister, says that Presidents Vucic and Putin "frequently talk on the phone, compare positions and coordinate steps", Vucic immediately orders Zorana Mihajlovic to deny it. He must not deny Lavrov himself, and it is important for him to distance himself from him so as not to anger the Americans. And that says a lot about Vučić's intellectual capacities. He is really convinced that he can manipulate Americans and Russians, so that they do not know when and how he is lying to them. Just as he used Zoran Mihajlović to flatter the Americans, he sent Aleksandar Vulin to the Russians.

Vulin brought good and bad messages from Moscow. It is good, at least for Vulin, that Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu awarded him the Order of Merit in the promotion of military cooperation between Serbia and Russia. Other messages are bad, at least for Vučić. The two and a half billion euros deposited in the accounts in two Moscow banks are still there, they have not been seized, but Vučić cannot take them off or transfer them to another, not only western, but also Chinese bank. That money represents an unofficial deposit that Vučić will be left without when he imposes sanctions on Russia. Vulin failed to find an interlocutor on that topic in Moscow, someone who would and could solve Vučić's problem and enable him to extract money from Russia.

According to Vulin's report, Lavrov, whom Vučić perceives as a liberal, pro-Western partner, did not want to discuss the topic either. Vucic includes Dmitry Medvedev, Anatoly Chubais and the biggest oligarchs in that group. Some of them try to maintain their positions in the government and acquired property with strong, often unmeasured warmongering statements, and some by fleeing abroad. Currently, there is no opposition. Western racist propaganda succeeded in homogenizing the Russian people, so Putin's political opponents do not come to the fore. However, this does not mean that there is no struggle for power in Russia.

On the contrary, Putin's position is not secure. But he is not threatened by liberal individuals and parties, as is wrongly claimed in the West and in Serbia, but by the army. A group of generals who are not satisfied with Putin's war strategy has significant influence at the top of the Russian army. Instead of emasculating Ukraine and Europe with economic and energy means, the generals are advocating a fierce attack on the Ukrainians, to "burn Kiev" and solve the problem in short order.

Putin cushions the military's pressure with appeals for patience, but it produces increasingly weak results, especially after the murder of Daria Dugina. Now the generals are reminding Putin that he sacrificed 130 Russian citizens in Moscow's Dubrovka theater, not wanting to give in to the terrorists. Putin is asked to respond in the same way to the Ukrainians for the terrorist act in which Alexander Dugin's daughter was killed. Putin, for now, rejects such a strategy, knowing that by doing so he has effectively handed over power to the army.

While Putin is waging a war against NATO, the United States of America, the European Union and Ukraine, Vučić only cares about what he only loves - money. If he could take that money out of Moscow banks, Vučić would immediately impose sanctions on Russia. Although he does not mention that motive, Vučić assures US Ambassador Christopher Hill every day that it is only a matter of days before Serbia will harmonize its foreign policy with the European Union and impose sanctions on Russia. Vučić claims that this will be the first task of the new government and the new parliamentary convocation. If the Socialist Party of Serbia refuses to participate in this, extraordinary parliamentary elections will be called, after which the SNS will choose new pro-Western coalition partners, and they will perform this task together.

Immoderate in everything, Vučić not only offers Hill political guarantees, but also morbid evidence of personal animosity towards everything Russian, including innocent Russian victims, such as Daria Dugina. During the last meeting in August, Vucic boasted to Hill that he always expressed his condolences to American citizens, to Joe Biden for the death of his son Bo, and also to the family of NBA star Kobe Bryant. However, not only did he not express his condolences to Daria Dugina's father, he called her murder a "death", in accordance with Western terminology.

And that case illustrates the nature of Vučić's character. The author of this text spoke with Aleksandar Dugin twice, in 1994 and 1995. Both meetings were held in the premises of the Serbian Radical Party, organized by Aleksandar Vučić. Then Vučić described Dugin as "the most important thinker and political strategist of modern Russia" and "Serbia's greatest friend". At that time, Vučić estimated that he would benefit politically and in the media from eulogizing Dugin. Likewise, today he estimates that he will benefit from bragging to the Americans that he did not express his condolences to Dugin for the death of his daughter.

People are just expendable raw materials in Vučić's factory of political fraud and mafia crimes. Vučić's political fathers and fathers Vojislav Šešelj and Tomislav Nikolić have already felt this on their own skin. Godfathers Nebojša Stefanović and Slaviša Kokeza feel this now, and Mijailović, Bošnjak, Vujko, Rajić and all other progressive tycoons should prepare for the blows. "I created, I killed", is Vučić's favorite catchphrase, which he borrowed from Taras Buljba. The leader of the non-progressive cartel is convinced that all his relatives, godfathers and associates owe everything exclusively to him. In Vučić's mind, their money is his. Without him, there would be no companies, business combinations, limousines, yachts, hotels and haciendas. Vučić's nervous system can hardly bear the fact that his tycoons casually spend huge amounts of money stolen from the people. It is even harder for him to be aware of their evergreen nature. When there is a change of government, Vučić will fall, they will stay where they are now, they will only pay commissions and rackets to the next master. That is why even now, while they are in power, they despise and disgust each other.

When the progressive scourge passes, all the politicians from the DS, DSS, SRS and other parties, whom he gathered in his landfill of parasites and pests, will cry out against Vučić. They will be able to defend themselves from responsibility only by attacking the leader, whom they faithfully served and who enabled them to become ministers, directors, tycoons... This is how the media promoters of progressive evil will wash themselves. Dragan J. Vučićević will admit that he is a pig, and, come on, no one can blame a pig for wallowing in the mud, that's how it is. Željko Mitrović will claim that he did not know what he was doing, someone poured some poison into his drug. Milomir Marić will prove that he always fought against Vučić as a guerilla. Indeed, only Marić mentioned to Vučić's face that his real father was Fahri Musliu and that his son Danilo was a toy in the hands of criminals.

Vučić turned the Serbian judiciary into the most important part of organized crime. He appointed people of his trust to key positions in the prosecutor's offices and courts, ready to carry out all orders. For years, Vučić has been arresting, suing, representing litigants, sometimes defendants, sometimes prosecutors, making and announcing verdicts, all with the support of subscribers from the corrupt and criminalized judiciary. Because of this, he deserved to be judged by the same judges when he falls from power. That's what he fears the most, he knows who he's dealing with. Vučić, while he was in the opposition, built his hope that the villains from every governing carousel would be punished. He pointed out judges Goran Čavlina and Nata Mesarović as examples. During the time of Slobodan Milošević, Čavlina sentenced Zoran Đinđić to one year in prison, conditionally, due to the statement that "Progres" sold grain from commodity reserves to foreign companies, following the lawsuit of then Prime Minister Mirko Marjanović.

On the night of April 1, 2001, the same Čavlina issued a decision ordering the detention of Milošević. Around two o'clock after midnight, Chavlina put out the last cigarette, showed the former president an empty box of "Besta" and said: "Let's go, Slobo, there are no more cigarettes anyway." Milošević said that he trusts him, as he knows him as an honest man, who was expelled from the judiciary in July 2000 because of his public support for the persecuted judge Miroslav Todorović. Milošević also trusted judge Nata Mesarović, who signed the second-instance verdict against Slavko Ćuruvija.

The verdict sentencing the owner of Dnevni Telegraf to six months in prison was not carried out, as it was liquidated in the meantime. Just as she was good for Milošević, Mesarović was also good for Tadić's and Koštunica's judiciary, so she got the opportunity to receive and read the verdict to the defendants for the murder of Zoran Đinđić. For Vučić, and for Serbia, it would be better if his own judges did not judge him. Yes, he deserved it, but Serbia must deserve the implementation of a complete purge of progressive cadres in all institutions. This is the only way to decontamination from Vučić's legacy.

Everything around Vučić is evergreen, only he is deciduous. And, his fall is approaching. When he falls, he will fall like a log from which his evergreen party and business partners, prosecutors, judges and journalists will make shavings. That's what happened to all dictators, and that's what awaits the deciduous Vučić.